Pluralist and ruling elite accounts of power

Pluralist and ruling elite accounts of power Pluralist Power Political Compare and contrast the pluralist and ruling elite accounts of political power This essay will discuss the above question and analyse the relevance of similarities and differences to the modern political system. It will look at empirical evidence from a number of pluralist and elite writers and explain the weaknesses in both arguments. The differentiation of the distribution of political power between the pluralist and elitist accounts is relatively simple to determine loosely. The elite approach argues that there is one group which dominates in a political system, although that class is not necessarily determined by the economic system. Pluralist theories state that political power should be regarded as analytically distinct from economic power and, in contrast to elitists, power is not concentrated in the hands of a single group, but widely dispersed among a variety of groups and actors.1 The central position of pluralist power is that all citizens have a chance to become politically active through either individual or group action. Views are represented in policy making not only through representative elections but also through the participatory mechanism of group politics. The process of decision making is merely the outcome between different groups, with government institutions acting as a mediator. No group tends to dominate this process because of the plurality of political resources. The diverse base of group power means that if a group has little money, it may call on public opinion to sustain its views in the decision making process. The electoral mechanism assumes that government doesn’t persistently favour one group as bias alienates the government from the rest. The government acts as a broker, independent from interest, and responds to pressure from different sides. The outcome of the policy making process is an even gamble – all win some bets and lose others, in contrast to the elitist view that the odds are stacked in favour of the house.2 Mosca used the term ruling class to denote the permanent group of organised rulers in society, but his use of the term ‘class’ creates an element of confusion in that his ruling class is very different in its function and characteristics from those of the Marxists. Power exercised by Mosca’s ruling class occurs from the organisational capacity of the ruling minority. This is the basis for their power and the characteristics that distinguishes them from the powerless minority.3 Criticism of classical elite theorists by writers such as Meisel centres on the notion that the ruling elite is claimed to be a class.4 It is an important idea in Pareto’s theory and Mosca founds the power of the elite on their greater organisational capacity. The three functions that Meisel identifies Mosca’s elite must have – consciousness, coherence and conspiracy, mean that such an elite should be able to maintain itself purely by its organisational capacity, its ability to adapt to new forces and its dynamic positive relationship expressed through the rule of law. The elite in a modern sense connotes a looser group of individuals, each exercising power and united by one or more factors such as wealth, social origin or achievement. What remains of classical elite theory is the powerlessness of the masses and the rational unifying capacities of the minority groups. Power pluralists such as Dahl and Polsby argue that a pluralist approach is far more rigorous than the elitist model when determining the distribution of power in political systems. Power is defined as an ability to influence policy outcomes rather than having a reputation for power. Studies of power distribution should be analysed using empirical methods finding those groups responsible for the decision making process Dahl contended that ‘although there are many different approaches and theories of power, so long as we can subject the hypothesis contained within these thesis’ to empirical investigation then it will be possible to arrive at an all embracing definition of power’.5 The pluralist approach stresses a need to look at actual decision making. A study by Dahl in 1965 looked at electoral apportionment, urban development and education to see who tended to dominate. The conclusion showed that it was impossible to identify a single powerful elite. Decision making tended to be a complex bargaining process between a plurality of different sectors. Pluralist theory has not been unchallenged by elite theory. Elite theories emphasise the stability and survival of political rule through the visible exercise of power. The difference of perspective results in research methods which are more approximate in their definition of power distribution. ‘Power involves relationships between individuals and groups, both controllers and controlling. It is a relatively constant factor in social relationships with policies as a variable and structured on national and local levels’.6 Elitists argue that expressed or perceived political preferences can be distinguished from objective interests. But this is because of the influence of the dominant class circulating a political formula, as Mosca put it. In this approach such perceived intent is the product of a power relationship rather than the pluralist approach of being the basis for understanding these relationships. In elite theory, where perceived interests differ from objective interests, evidence of the dominant class shaping the values of those whose power is exercised can be seen. Pluralists ignore the concept of objective values as it suggests that group goals can be determined from information of the social or economic nature of the group. They argue that such goals are vague and contradictory and difficult to determine.7 Marxist theories have tended to show a link between economic and political power. The notion that there is a political authority which can be separate from economic relationships is one which runs through Western politics. Aristotle argued that the polis allowed free men to take decisions, for the good of the citizens and not for the private advantage of the powerful.8 Hegel distinguishes between the public authority of the state as distinct from the relationships that prevail in civil society.9 This view is widely shared in pluralist political science that since power is a type of influence, a power holder may owe his power to his wealth, ability, reputation or any favourable position with regard to any value.10 Elite theory argues that the basis for assessing political power lies in the assessment of the degree in which particular groups can produce policy outcomes which are in their interests. Pluralist approaches reject the idea that an explanation can be based on the argument of the policy outcome with the interests of a certain group or class. Rather they argue the need to establish that a group consciously wants a particular policy outcome and take successful measures to secure it.11 Just as important as the plurality of resources, pluralist approaches stress the ability to transform the potential of those resources into the actual exercise of power. It’s not enough for a leader to be popular; he must have strategies to exercise his influence. In this sense power is not something that individuals and groups do; rather it is something gained through the deployment of political resources in order to achieve objectives.12 Power in pluralist analysis, is not just a property given or denied on the basis of social or economic position. The link between these and political power is weakened by the fact that strong political resources can coexist with weak political influence through the influence of inappropriate strategies. Like elite theory, pluralist theory doesn’t assume that those in formal positions of authority are necessarily those with political power. Those without policy making authority may be highly influential, and vice-versa. Where elitists differ from pluralist approach is that they argue that the influence of outside powers of government is limited to those exercised by specific economic and social classes. Pluralists stress that the types of pressures on government come from a wider array of different types of interest. Whilst they cannot suggest that there is a perfect distribution of power in government decision making, pluralists argue that more groups are involved in decision making than elitists, who claim that a particular class or group has a monopoly of influence.13 A study in 1980 showed the style of policy making in the UK. When drafting legislation based upon engineering reports, the government consulted over 500 groups, 16 of which were deemed to be influential.14 There is now a clear distribution between the two strands of modern elite theory. Mainstream elitism refers mainly to the interaction and function of ruling and strategic elites, and though it differs in emphasis from earlier theories, the normative assumptions are not that different from classical elitist like Pareto. The second strand of elite theory is neo-elitism, and is highly critical of both mainstream elitism and pluralism, which it regards as a revision of democratic theory.15 Its main issue with pluralism is over the community power debate, which had implications for the definition of power. There are many criticisms of pluralism who object to its normative implications. ‘Elitist ideals can logically contrast with facts without being invalidated by empirical research which does not in any obvious way call for its general revision’.16 It is argued that pluralists ignore the ‘face of power’ which contains the scope of decision-making to safe issues. The main weakness of the pluralist approach to power is that it is a description instead of an analysis of power relationships. This has been recognised because, if true, the elitist idea of the importance of non-observable influences and constraints from one group would have important repercussions for the way that western political systems are characterised.17 Elite theory is still opposed to class analysis at several levels, arguing the interests and power of elites are not based on economic factors. Elitism lends itself to a concentration on organisational identification of power. These differences in orientation separate elitism and pluralism, rather than the argument over the distribution of power. Power is not central to elite analysis; it is given in a certain way.18 The main criticism of elitism is that it assumes what it should be proving – the distribution of power. The other major similarity between the two theories is the idea of democratic elitism. This suggests that modification of democratic theory accepts that most citizens do not take part in politics. It argues that a number of elites who are forced to compete for power through public support, as is the case with party politics. The most influential democratic elitists were Schumpeter and Dahl, who argued that elites could exist whilst democracy was in place. They also stress that elites do exist but are in control of different policy areas. Schumpeter stated that the key to democracy was the existence of the mechanism which forces elites to compete for support and that the majority of citizens aren’t capable of taking part in governing.19 Dahl analysed these ideas forming the argument that politics is a ployarchy, essentially meaning rule by a number of elites. This reworking of pluralism into pluralist elitism is the synthesis of the two theories. References 1 A.Cox, Power in Capitalist Societies (Brighton; Wheatsheaf, 1985) P107 2 P.Norris, Do Capitalists Rule (Oxford: Robertson, 1982) P194 3 P.Bachrach, Theory of Democratic Elitism (Boston: Little, Brown and Co, 1967) P64 4 A.Cox, Power in Capitalist Societies (Brighton; Wheatsheaft, 1985) P79 5 R.Dahl, Critique of the Ruling Elite model (New York: Macmillan, 1958) P463 6 A.Birch, Concepts and Theories of Modern Democracy (London: Routledge, 1993) P6 7 A.Cox, Power in Capitalist Societies (Brighton; Wheatsheaft, 1985) P85 8 Aristotle, The Politics (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1972) P271 9 G.Hegel, Philosophy of Right (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1968) P78 10 N.Polsby, Community Power and Political Theory (London: Penguin, 1961) P96 11 A.Cox, Power in Capitalist Societies (Brighton; Wheatsheaft, 1985) P116 12 F.Castles, Decisions, Organisation and Society (Middlesex: Penguin, 1971) P83 13 A.Cox, Power in Capitalist Societies (Brighton; Wheatsheaft, 1985) P114 14 J.Richardson, Governing Under Pressure (Oxford: Robertson, 1979) P126 15 A.Cox, Power in Capitalist Societies (Brighton; Wheatsheaft, 1985) P89 16 P.Bachrach, Theory of Democratic Elitism (Boston: Little, Brown and Co, 1967) P122 17 A.Cox, Power in Capitalist Societies (Brighton; Wheatsheaft, 1985) P121 18 R.Dahl, Critique of the Ruling Elite model (New York: Macmillan, 1958) P254 19 P.Bachrach, Theory of Democratic Elitism (Boston: Little, Brown and Co, 1967) P78 Bibliography Aristotle, The Politics (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1972) Bachrach.P, Theory of Democratic Elitism (Boston: Little, Brown and Co, 1967) Birch.A, Concepts and Theories of Modern Democracy (London: Routledge, 1993) Castles.F, Decisions, Organisation and Society (Middlesex: Penguin, 1971) Cox.A, Power in Capitalist Societies (Brighton; Wheatsheaft, 1985) Dahl.R, Critique of the Ruling Elite model (New York: Macmillan, 1958) Hegel.G, Philosophy of Right (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1968) Norris.P, Do Capitalists Rule (Oxford: Robertson, 1982) Polsby.N, Community Power and Political Theory (London: Penguin, 1961) Richardson.J, Governing Under Pressure (Oxford: Robertson, 1979)

Make or Buy Decision Essay

Taiwanese smart phone maker HTC Corporation is considering outsourcing manufacturing to other companies to improve its efficiency. Before building its own brand, HTC concentrated on manufacturing low-end smart phones for companies like Apple. However, in recent years, HTC has been under pressure from shareholders to reduce costs because of loss net operating income for the third quarter of 2013. Now, HTC wants to change its strategy; they want to concentrate on the research and development of high-end smart phones and outsource some of their low-end smart phone production to increase their sufficiency and lower the costs. In the smart phone industry, in order to improve efficiency, it is important for the phone makers to build more commoditized products and universally outsource some products to manufacturers who can produce cheaper products. However, just as the Yuanta Securities analyst Dennis Chan says, there are many factors that effect whether to make the decision to outsource. HTC definitely needs to consider many factors to decide whether they will continue making products or outsourcing (Dou, 2013). Problem Identification The case above is talking about how HTC suffers from a new situation about whether to continue producing smart phones or outsource them to other manufacturing companies. Actually it is a â€Å"make or buy decision† problem in accounting. Make or buy decision is a decision to carry out manufacturing a product in-house or purchasing it from an outside supplier. As every company comes under increasing pressure to reduce costs and increase their return on assets, it shows an increased importance to managers whether to keep the activities, even the key parts, in-house or outsource them (Gambino, 1980). Outsourcing is an important part in make-or-buy decision making. For HTC, if the production cost is much higher than outsourcing the low-end smart phone to other companies, or it doesn’t have sufficient production capacity to produce it internally, outsourcing seems a better choice for the company. However, in the business world, it is not easy to determine whether a make-or-buy decision is good for the company; there are many factors to consider. The following part will describe the factors which have an effect on make-or-buy decisions. Accounting Method Explanation—Make-or-Buy Decision Make-or-buy decisions occur in business when a company needs to decide whether to produce goods internally or to purchase them externally. This typically is an issue when a company has the capacity to manufacture products or they can purchase the products on the market. When analyzing a make-or-buy business decision, it is necessary for managers to look at several factors. The analysis must examine thoroughly all of the costs related to manufacturing the products as well as all the costs related to purchasing the product. 1. Quantitative factors and Qualitative factors. The make-or-buy decision involves both quantitative analysis and qualitative analysis. Quantitative factors can be calculated and compared; subjective judgment and multiple opinions are required when we want to examine some quantitative factors. Also, we need to consider various factors from all angles when the make-or-buy decision is used, because some of the factors involved can be quantified with certainty, while other factors cannot. Quantitative factors include things such as the availability of production facilities, production capacity, and all of the resources needed. Variable and fixed costs are also important factors when analyzing the make-or-buy decision. Similarly, quantitative costs also include the price of the product in the marketplace. The comparison between the production cost and purchasing cost is one of the most important processes in analyzing the make or buy decision. Qualitative factors are more difficult to measure than quantitative factors and more subjective judgment needs to be taken into consideration. For example, the reputation and reliability of the suppliers, the possibility and the likelihood of changing or reversing the decision in the future, and the long-run outlook regarding production or purchasing the product are all typical qualitative factors. In the HTC outsourcing case, identifying and picking up the quantitative and qualitative factors is the first step. First, for the quantitative part, the variable and fixed costs of producing the smart phones must be taken into consideration. Usually, variable costs include direct materials, direct labor, and variable overhead. Also, we need to collect the data about the salary paid for workers and supervisors, depreciation of the equipment, and the a llocated general overhead. The purchasing price of smart phones which the supplier  offered is another required factor when comparing production cost. Secondly, for the quantitative part, HTC needs to do a lot of research to know whether their supplier has a good reputation and reliability, and analysis the benefits and costs if they choose to purchase the smart phones from the supplier instead of producing them. 2. The analysis must also separate relevant costs from irrelevant costs and look only at the relevant costs. When making the make-or-buy decision, it is necessary to distinguish between relevant and irrelevant costs. Relevant costs for making the product are all the costs that could be avoided by purchasing the product. An avoidable cost can be eliminated in whole or partially through choosing one alternative over another. In the HTC case, by choosing to purchase smart phones from another supplier, the cost of manufacturing the phones can be avoided. In reality, opportunity cost is very common when considering the relevant costs. Opportunity cost is the potential benefit that is given up when one alternative is selected over another. Take the HTC case for example; if the smart phone manufacturing facilities are idle, and the company accepts to outsource the smart phone, the opportunity cost is zero and it means there is no impact on the cost related to the opportunity cost. However, if the company decides to use the facility to produce another kind of product, the opportunity cost incurred. According to the different situations, it may change the manager’s decision. Irrelevant costs are the costs that will be incurred no matter whether the product is manufactured internally or purchased externally. There are two kinds of categories of irrelevant costs when we make the make-or-buy decision. The first one is suck cost, which is always incurred during the operation process and cannot be avoided regardless of what decision the manager makes. In the HTC case, the manufacturing facilities have been purchased; no matter if the smart phone is made or purchased from a supplier, the costs of the manufacturing facilities (fixed cost) have been incurred. Another irrelevant cost is future cost which has no impact on the alternatives. Following the HTC case, the company needs to promote the smart phone through advertisement in order to gain big sales. If the company is going to allocate the same ad fee to the promotion regardless of producing them or purchasing them, the future cost is an irrelevant cost when making the decision. The analysis must also consider the availability of the product and the quality of the product  under each of the two scenarios. Other factors—such as the availability of the product and the quality of the product under different alternatives—are also important for an manager to make the make or buy decision. Following the HTC example, if the company chooses to produce the smart phone internally regardless of their deficiency in production capability, it can lead to poor quality products or low efficiency in production. In a long-run perspective, the company may not make a good decision. In order to get more accurate information about the products and the suppliers who can offer suitable prices and high quality products, the company needs to do research. This includes internal research and collecting business data from outside professional research companies which can provide more accurate information. References Dou, E. (2013). HTC May Give In to Lure of Outsourcing. The Wall Street Journal. Retrieved from http://blogs.wsj.com/digits/2013/10/23/htc-may-give-in-to-lure -of-outsourcing/?KEYWORDS=htc+ Gambino, A. (1980). The make-or-buy decision. New York, N.Y.: National Association of Accountants.

Anthropomorphy

The term â€Å"agent† in this case comes from the field of computer science and it refers to small programs (software agents) that are highly Independent, and are used to perform a number of tasks with title or no human Intervention. The purpose of anthropomorphic agents therefore Is to 1) make communication between the computer and the user more â€Å"human-like† and 2) to increase the automation of tasks.While many people find that anthropomorphic design Is useful because they believe it promotes positive attitudes and engages the user, many people have found that anthropomorphic design is distracting and inappropriately reduces user control and responsibility. To address these deferent perspectives, numerous research studies have been undertaken to evaluate the effectiveness of anthropomorphic agents. Unfortunately for both sides, the results have not been black and white. In some studies, such as that of Lester et al. 1 997), performance has Increased after a period of interaction with an animated agent, as compared with the same program without an agent. However, In other cases, such as that of Eden and van Mullen (2000), there has been no notable difference in performance between those participants interacting with anthropomorphic agents and those interacting with a text-based system. With these contradictory results, it has been difficult for educators and Interface designers to be completely sold on the Importance of anthropomorphic design.II. Overview of Anthropomorphic Design 3 A. Key interface design considerations 1 . The Role of the Agent Anthropomorphic agents can have many different roles that range from being a guide on the side, activated only at the user's request, to an ever present tutor helping the user to answer questions and resolve problems. Deciding what role the agent will have in the program is the most important step in the development process. An agent that performs an inappropriate role will only result in user rustic ation and anxiety.

Use Of Handheld Cameras Changed The Way Of Police - 915 Words

The use of smartphone cameras changed the way that police were perceived as well. Accusations of police brutality could now be supported with video evidence instead of just a victim’s word against an officer. While filming police during stops and quality-of-life policing can hold the officer accountable in incidents of police brutality, cell phone video footage doesn’t always tell the whole story. In August, two Kansas police officers came under scrutiny after a 36 second video was posted on social media of them roughly restraining a suspect on the ground (Hunter). However, the police’s body cam and dash cam footage told a different story: after the suspect, John Harrison was pulled over for not wearing a seatbelt, the police discovered the smell of marijuana coming from his car, that he was driving with a suspended license and had more than 20 warrants out for his arrest (Kiesling and Smith). The dash cam video shows Harrison resisting arrest, attempting to flee (Hunter) and punching one of the police officers (Kiesling and Smith). The police were found innocent and Harrison was put in jail for outstanding warrants and is facing charges for driving with a suspended license, battery on a police officer, and obstruction of justice (Hunter). With Broken Windows policing, the community is made safer. With Broken Windows policing, crime was and is significantly reduced in low-income minority neighborhoods. Broken Windows policing was implemented in New York City in 1994Show MoreRelatedPolice Brutality And The United States Essay1474 Words   |  6 Pagesharass and assault them. Police brutality is a continuous problem in the United States and officers need to be accountable for their actions. 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